Archive for December, 2008

math 8.mat.9 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

December 31, 2008

By about age 12, students who feel threatened by mathematics start to avoid math courses, do poorly in the few math classes they do take, and earn low scores on math-achievement tests. Some scientists have theorized that kids having little math aptitude in the first place justifiably dread grappling with numbers.
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That conclusion doesn’t add up, at least for college students, according to a study in the June Journal of Experimental Psychology: General. On the contrary, people’s intrusive worries about math temporarily disrupt mental processes needed for doing arithmetic and drag down math competence, report Mark H. Ashcraft and Elizabeth P. Kirk, both psychologists at Cleveland (Ohio) State University.

Math anxiety exerts this effect by making it difficult to hold new information in mind while simultaneously manipulating it, the researchers hold. Psychologists regard this capacity, known as working memory, as crucial for dealing with numbers.

“Math anxiety soaks up working-memory resources and makes it harder to learn mathematics, probably beginning in middle school,” Ashcraft says.

He and Kirk ran three experiments, each with 50 to 60 college students. Experiments included roughly equal numbers of male and female students who cited low, moderate, or high levels of math anxiety on a questionnaire.

In the first experiment, Ashcraft and Kirk found that students with a high level of math anxiety enrolled in fewer math courses, received lower math grades, and scored worse on working-memory tests involving numbers than their peers did.

Math anxiety’s disruptive effects on working memory appeared in the next experiment. In a series of trials, students first saw a set of letters to be remembered. They were then timed as they performed a mental addition problem. After solving it, volunteers tried to recall the letters they had seen.

High-math-anxiety students scored poorly on both tasks but especially on the mental addition. Their performance hit bottom on problems that involved carrying numbers, such as 47 + 18. However, when permitted to use pencil and paper during trials, they did as well as students without math worries did, indicating an underlying math competence.

The third experiment found that high math anxiety translates into poorer performance on an unconventional number-manipulation task that also taxed working memory. In some trials, for instance, students had to add 7 to each of four numbers that they briefly viewed, one at a time, and then verbally report the transformations in the proper order. http://LOUIS2J2SHEEHAN.US

Earlier studies have found that math anxiety temporarily boosts heart rate and other physical indicators of worry, notes psychologist David C. Geary of the University of Missouri in Columbia. Psychological therapies that reduce math worries improve math performance, he adds.

“Ashcraft’s study is the first solid evidence that math-anxious people have working-memory problems as they do math,” Geary says.  Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

12/21

December 21, 2008

test

British 4.bri.000203 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

December 12, 2008

We have been told of late that America, as it heads into the 21st century, must face the possibility of its own decline, especially with “the rise of the rest,” as Fareed Zakaria refers to the growing importance of China and other aspiring great powers. Whether the U.S. is really on a downward trajectory, in relation to the rest of the world, remains debatable, but the concept of decline provides a shorthand for framing the question. Historians often take the cycle of rise and fall as a model for explaining world events, and the change of direction, they note, can be remarkably abrupt.

[Bookshelf]

Britain became a great power and built an overseas empire in the decades following 1688, when the Glorious Revolution forged a partnership between crown and Parliament that brought political stability and commercial growth. But crisis came only a century later, with the loss of its American colonies in 1783.

The British Empire did not fall at Yorktown, of course, but defeat marked the end of its first flowering — what Brendan Simms, in “Three Victories and a Defeat,” calls “the first British Empire.” At the time, Joseph II of Austria compared Britain after Yorktown to Sweden, a once great power now fallen to the third rank because of military defeat and a reckless attempt to extend its power farther than it would reach. Joseph proved mistaken over the long term, but Britain’s experience in the 18th century does help us to understand the dynamic of imperial rise and fall. Americans might well seek parallels with their own country’s recent experience in Mr. Simms’s wide-ranging book. http://louis9j9sheehan.blog.com

The conventional narratives cast trade and seapower as the key to Britain’s rise. The historian J.R. Seeley (1834-95) famously insisted that England’s 18th-century history really occurred in Asia and America. Mr. Simms argues, contrarily, that the European Continent — not Britain’s far-flung possessions — was the greatest concern for British statesmen of the era, and rightly so.

Three Victories and a Defeat
By Brendan Simms
(Basic, 802 pages, $39.95)

Securing European interests — most notably the balance of power that prevented rivals from threatening Britain itself — was, in Mr. Simms’s view, the precondition for overseas expansion. The British Empire in India and America grew in harmony with European commitments. But when Britain lost sight of the Continent’s importance, after 1760, the result was isolation in Europe and disaster in America. Tory politicians lost the empire that Whig statesmen had built.

Among other things, Mr. Simms’s book raises interesting questions about British views of Europe and how they shaped national identity during a pivotal era. Britain may have been on the periphery of medieval Europe, but it was a part of Christendom. The Reformation complicated matters, drawing Protestants onto the side of their co-religionists on the Continent. Mr. Simms highlights the views of those who saw Britain’s engagement in Europe as essential to securing its own liberties. Louis XIV’s bid for hegemony across the English Channel thus seemed to parallel James II’s ambitions (thwarted in 1688) to enhance the power of the crown at home.

What later generations called “geopolitics” also mattered to the first British Empire. Englishmen since Elizabeth I saw the Low Countries — today Belgium and the Netherlands — as vital to British interests. They provided an outlet for trade, blocked French expansion and outlined a strategic geographical point. No hostile power could be permitted to control an area that Napoleon would later describe as a pistol pointed at the heart of England. Blocking French ambitions to seize the Low Countries was an important part of Britain’s wars against Louis XIV. http://louisjsheehan.blogstream.com
George I’s accession in 1714 expanded Britain’s continental beachhead into Germany, and the connection with Hanover made Britain, in effect, a German power. Mr. Simms describes Britain and Hanover as a composite state with a single interest that could not be divided, regardless of legal sophistry over the king’s two realms. The philosopher and historian David Hume, at the time, noted that Hanover tied Britain more closely with Austria, creating an extended barrier against the French. Britain helped preserve a balance of power more generally by shifting Anglo-Hanoverian support between France and Austria as circumstances required.

Critics accused the Hanoverian tail of wagging the British dog, with taxpayers subsidizing German ambitions. One nobleman in 1734 asked whether securing Europe’s liberties could be done without sacrificing Britain’s. The political system itself set the burden of proof upon interventionists; their opponents wanted the government to concern itself with insular or colonial matters. What Mr. Simms calls the “colonial mirage” loomed increasingly large as Britain fought major wars in the 1740s and 1750s.

In Mr. Simms’s view, British success in the Seven Years’ War (1756-63) taught the wrong lesson to Britain’s ruling elites. Maritime and colonial success brought unprecedented rewards that tended to eclipse the importance of efforts in Europe. Germany seemed a costly distraction, while America and India offered resources that would guarantee Britain’s greatness. Commerce eclipsed statesmanship as a theme in public discourse, and British policy became disengaged from the balance of power — a nearly fatal move, as Mr. Simms sees it. http://sheehan.myblogsite.com

Not only did this shift produce instability on the Continent by the late 1760s, it also left “perfidious Albion” without allies. War in America gave France its opportunity for revenge. American independence effectively partitioned “Greater” Britain. British statesmen learned their lesson, refocusing their attention on the European balance of power. There is no easy parallel with today’s world. But it is clear that, in international politics, there is a always a danger in neglecting core interests for peripheral concerns.  Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

professors 9.pro.12708 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

December 7, 2008

Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire .  An article of faith among conservative critics of American universities has been that liberal professors politically indoctrinate their students. This conviction not only fueled the culture wars but has also led state lawmakers to consider requiring colleges to submit reports to the government detailing their progress in ensuring “intellectual diversity,” prompted universities to establish faculty positions devoted to conservatism and spurred the creation of a network of volunteer watchdogs to monitor “political correctness” on campuses.

Just a few weeks ago Michael Barone, a fellow at the conservative American Enterprise Institute, warned in The Washington Times against “the liberal thugocracy,” arguing that today’s liberals seem to be taking “marching orders” from “college and university campuses.”
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But a handful of new studies have found such worries to be overwrought. Three sets of researchers recently concluded that professors have virtually no impact on the political views and ideology of their students.

If there has been a conspiracy among liberal faculty members to influence students, “they’ve done a pretty bad job,” said A. Lee Fritschler, a professor of public policy at George Mason University and an author of the new book “Closed Minds? Politics and Ideology in American Universities” (Brookings Institution Press). http://louis3j3sheehan3.blogspot.com

The notion that students are induced to move leftward “is a fantasy,” said Jeremy D. Mayer, another of the book’s authors. (Bruce L. R. Smith is the third co-author of the book.) When it comes to shaping a young person’s political views, “it is really hard to change the mind of anyone over 15,” said Mr. Mayer, who did extensive research on faculty and students.

“Parents and family are the most important influence,” followed by the news media and peers, he said. “Professors are among the least influential.”

A study of nearly 7,000 students at 38 institutions published in the current PS: Political Science and Politics, the journal of the American Political Science Association, as well as a second study that has been accepted by the journal to run in April 2009, both reach similar conclusions.

“There is no evidence that an instructor’s views instigate political change among students,” Matthew Woessner and April Kelly-Woessner, a husband-and-wife team of political scientists who have frequently conducted research on politics in higher education, write in that second study.http://louis8j8sheehan8.blogspot.com

Their work is often cited by people on both sides of the debate, not least because Mr. Woessner describes himself as politically conservative.

No one disputes that American academia is decidedly more liberal than the rest of the population, or that there is a detectable shift to the left among students during their college years. Still, both studies in the peer-reviewed PS, for example, found that changes in political ideology could not be attributed to proselytizing professors but rather to general trends among that age group. As Mack D. Mariani at Xavier University and Gordon J. Hewitt at Hamilton College write in the current issue, “Student political orientation does not change for a majority of students while in college, and for those that do change there is evidence that other factors have an effect on that change, such as gender and socioeconomic status.”

That may be, said Daniel Klein, an economist at George Mason, but those results don’t necessarily mean there isn’t a problem. Mr. Klein, whose research has shown that registered Democrats vastly outnumber Republicans among faculty in the humanities and social sciences at American colleges and universities, maintains that the focus on the liberal-conservative split is misdirected. Such terms are vague and can be used to describe everything from attitudes about religion and family to the arts and lifestyles, he said.

The real issue, said Mr. Klein, who calls himself a libertarian, is that social democratic ideas dominate universities — ideas that play down the importance of the individual and promote government intervention.

Such “academic groupthink” means that the works of such thinkers are not offered enough, he argues. “A major tragedy is that they’re not getting exposed to the good stuff,” he said, citing the works of John Stuart Mill, Adam Smith, Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman.

“Even if we had hard, definite evidence that students weren’t influenced by their professors, there is still reason for great concern about the composition of the faculty,” Mr. Klein added.

K. C. Johnson, a historian at the City University of New York, characterizes the problem as pedagogical, not political. Entire fields of study, from traditional literary analysis to political and military history, are simply not widely taught anymore, Mr. Johnson contended: “Even students who want to learn don’t have the opportunity because there are no specialists on the faculty to take courses from.”

“The conservative critics are inventing a straw man that doesn’t exist and are missing the real problem that does,” he added.

Anne Neal, the president of the American Council of Trustees and Alumni, which closely follows this issue, agrees that “it is not about left and right.”

Many researchers and critics also agree that a better grounding in American history and politics is important. “It wasn’t too long ago that schools and universities required civic education and American history,” Mr. Fritschler noted. “Almost all of those requirements have evaporated.”

A number of organizations that have a large base of conservative supporters, like Ms. Neal’s council and the National Association of Scholars, have been promoting a return to traditional courses in western civilization and American history.

Mr. Fritschler said that perhaps the most insidious side effect of assumptions about liberal influence has been an overall disengagement on campus from civic and political affairs, and a reluctance to promote serious debate of political issues. If anything, he added, the problem is not too much politics, but too little.  Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

pollen 9.pol.22991 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

December 5, 2008

People with seasonal allergies know that some months can be tougher than others. An unprecedented 15-year study conducted in the New York City area charts how air concentrations of different types of pollen vary throughout an average year.
http://louis7j7sheehan7esquire.blogspot.com

Ragweed pollen, the most significant cause of allergy, is airborne mainly during August and September, report researchers at the University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey–New Jersey Medical School in Newark. http://louis8j8sheehan8esquire.blogspot.com

By contrast, tree pollen is most abundant during May and is nearly absent from the air after the end of June. Grass-pollen concentrations peak in June and rise again, albeit to a lesser extent, in September.

Contrary to what some people with allergies might think, pollen abundance has decreased—at least in the New York City area—over the past decade.

The new data might help some people avoid unnecessary outdoor exposure at times when their allergies are most likely to be active, Leonard Bielory and his colleagues say in the May Annals of Allergy, Asthma and Immunology. http://louis9j9sheehan9esquire.blogspot.com They note that seasonal pollen patterns are likely to differ from one region of the country to the next. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

pollen 9.pol.22991 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

December 5, 2008

People with seasonal allergies know that some months can be tougher than others. An unprecedented 15-year study conducted in the New York City area charts how air concentrations of different types of pollen vary throughout an average year.
http://louis7j7sheehan7esquire.blogspot.com

Ragweed pollen, the most significant cause of allergy, is airborne mainly during August and September, report researchers at the University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey–New Jersey Medical School in Newark. http://louis8j8sheehan8esquire.blogspot.com

By contrast, tree pollen is most abundant during May and is nearly absent from the air after the end of June. Grass-pollen concentrations peak in June and rise again, albeit to a lesser extent, in September.

Contrary to what some people with allergies might think, pollen abundance has decreased—at least in the New York City area—over the past decade.

The new data might help some people avoid unnecessary outdoor exposure at times when their allergies are most likely to be active, Leonard Bielory and his colleagues say in the May Annals of Allergy, Asthma and Immunology. http://louis9j9sheehan9esquire.blogspot.com They note that seasonal pollen patterns are likely to differ from one region of the country to the next. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire